Opinion
By Bashorun J.K Randle
THE art and arc of history remind us of the famous line from Late Martin Luther King Jr: “The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice.” It wasn’t MLK’s original phrase. He borrowed and adapted it from 19th-century abolitionist Theodore Parker who said: “I do not pretend to understand the moral universe; the arc is a long one… And from what I see I am sure it bends towards justice.” MLK popularized it. He used versions of it in at least 3 major speeches/sermons:
-1958: “Our God is Marching On”
– 1965: Address at the conclusion of the Selma to Montgomery March
– 1967: “Where Do We Go From Here?” speech
What MLK meant by it For King, the “arc” was about faith + history + struggle. Long: Justice doesn’t happen overnight. Progress is slow and meets resistance. Bends toward justice: Despite setbacks — slavery, Jim Crow, violence — history has a moral direction. If people keep pushing, organizing, and doing right, things move forward. He used it to give hope during the Civil Rights Movement. Even when things looked bad, the work mattered because history was on the side of justice.
Common full quote > “The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice.” > He often added: “…but it does not bend on its own. It bends because people pull on it.”
That last part is key — MLK wasn’t saying justice is automatic. He believed people have to act to bend it.
Why people still quote it today; It’s used by activists, politicians, judges, and leaders worldwide to talk about civil rights, democracy, climate, LGBTQ+ rights, etc. It’s both hopeful and a call to action.
In Thanksgiving and Remembrance, we celebrate the 117th post-humus birthday of late Chief J.K. Randle, LISA (Prime Minister) of Lagos; MBE; M.V.O. He was only 47 years old when he died on 17th December 1956. His friendships were not defined by race, religion, ethnicity, age or class. He was unrelenting in his endeavours to contribute to laying the foundation for a peaceful and prosperous Nigeria– a nation that would be the cynosure of global admiration. He bequeathed a huge legacy of philanthropy, sportsmanship, compassion, integrity and GOODWILL.
Seventy years after his demise, the impact of his towering achievements and superlative accomplishments are self-evident. Two moslem schools – Ahmaddiya College, Agege, Lagos; and Ansarudeen College, Isolo, Lagos and two Christian schools – C.M.S. Grammar School, Bariga and Holy Cross School, Catholic Mission Street, Lagos have reaped a bountiful harvest from his generous donations towards education and sports. J.K.Randle Road, Onikan, Lagos; J.K.Randle General Hospital, Surulere; Randle Junior School Apapa; Randle Senior School Apapa e.t.c were named after him. So also was the Chief J.K.Randle Memorial Hall which was demolished by the Government on 24 September 2016.
Chief J.K.Randle was the Chairman of both Lagos Island Club and Lagos Race (Horse Racing) Club.
As a politician, he contributed his quota to laying the foundation of our nation. He belonged to a generation of selfless politicians whose primary concern was to craft a sustainable road map to greatness notwithstanding the fact that the responsibility was as daunting as it was formidable.
According to late Professor Abdul Raufu Mustapha– a Nigerian historian/political scientist from Ilorin who taught at Oxford University for two decades, history is critical. He was a renowned Nigerian scholar and Associate Professor of African Politics at the University of Oxford. He passed away on August 8, 2017, after battling cancer. Raufu was known for his outstanding contributions to African Studies, particularly in the areas of democratisation, ethnicity, and identity politics. He was a prolific writer, teacher, and mentor who inspired many with his generosity, warmth, and kindness. Raufu’s work focused on the politics of rural societies in Africa, and he was passionate about Nigeria’s development, often speaking out against corruption and authoritarianism. Raufu studied and taught at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) in Nigeria and later earned his doctorate from Oxford University, where he taught for about 20 years. He was married to Kate Meagher, and they had two children, Asmau and Seyi.
Professor Abdul Raufu Mustapha was widely regarded as one of Africa’s leading political scientists and historians, whose scholarship significantly shaped the understanding of politics, governance, and social change on the continent. Throughout his academic career, he devoted his research to examining the complex relationships between ethnicity, religion, democracy, and development, particularly in Nigeria and other African countries. He believed that ethnic and religious diversity should not be viewed as the primary cause of conflict. Instead, he argued that political manipulation, inequality, poor governance, and the unequal distribution of resources often fuel tensions within society. His work encouraged policymakers and scholars to focus on building inclusive institutions capable of promoting unity despite diversity.
A major aspect of Professor Mustapha’s scholarship was his commitment to the study of democracy and governance. He closely examined Nigeria’s transition from military rule to democratic government, emphasizing that genuine democracy involves much more than conducting elections. According to him, democracy should ensure accountable leadership, active citizen participation, respect for human rights, and equal opportunities for 3 all members of society. His research frequently highlighted the importance of strengthening democratic institutions to promote political stability and sustainable development across Africa.
Professor Mustapha also made significant contributions to the field of political economy by exploring how politics and economic policies affect the everyday lives of ordinary people. His research addressed issues such as poverty, inequality, labour relations, agricultural development, and rural livelihoods. He argued that governments should design policies that improve the welfare of citizens rather than serving the interests of political elites. His extensive studies of rural communities demonstrated his belief that meaningful national development cannot be achieved without addressing the needs and challenges faced by people living outside urban centres.
Beyond his research, Professor Mustapha was admired as an exceptional teacher and mentor who inspired countless students and young scholars across Africa and beyond. He was known for encouraging critical thinking, supporting emerging researchers, and promoting African perspectives in global academic discussions. His generosity, intellectual curiosity, and willingness to guide others earned him widespread respect within the academic community.
Professor Mustapha was also a strong advocate of evidence-based policymaking. He believed that governments should rely on credible research and informed analysis when addressing national issues such as constitutional reform, federalism, conflict resolution, and social integration. Throughout his career, he consistently emphasized the values of social justice, equality, accountability, and inclusive governance as essential foundations for peace and national development.
Although Professor Abdul Raufu Mustapha passed away on 8 August 2017 after a battle with cancer, his legacy continues to endure through his publications, teaching, and the many scholars he mentored. His ideas remain influential in the fields of African politics, democratisation, 4 development studies, and conflict resolution, making him one of the most respected Nigerian intellectuals of his generation.
Prior to the granting of Independence to Nigeria on 1st October 1960, the North and the South had little interaction in the previous forty-Six years.
From 1900 to 1946, Britain governed Nigeria as two separate countries: Northern Nigeria and Southern Nigeria. They had different administrations, laws, economies, and education systems. The North was ruled indirectly through emirs and Sharia law, while the South had direct rule, courts, and mission schools. This separation was due to the British belief that the regions were too different to be governed the same way, financial considerations, and fear of religious conflict.
From 1900 to 1946, the British colonial administration governed Nigeria as two distinct territories: the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria and the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria. Although both regions were under British control, they were administered separately, with different political systems, legal structures, educational policies, and economic priorities. This arrangement reflected the significant cultural, religious, and historical differences that existed between the two regions, as well as Britain’s colonial strategy of maintaining effective control while minimizing administrative costs.
In Northern Nigeria, the British adopted a system of indirect rule, largely because the region already had well-established political institutions under the Sokoto Caliphate and other emirates. Rather than dismantling these traditional structures, the British governed through emirs and local chiefs, who continued to administer their people under British supervision. Islamic law (Sharia) remained the basis of the legal system in many areas, particularly for personal and family matters, while British officials limited Christian missionary activities to avoid provoking religious tensions among the predominantly Muslim population. As a result, Western education developed much more slowly in the North than in the South.
Southern Nigeria, by contrast, was administered through a more direct form of colonial rule. British officials exercised greater authority over local administration, especially in areas where centralized traditional political systems were absent or weaker. The South had a legal system based largely on English common law, alongside customary laws, and Christian missionaries were encouraged to establish schools, churches, and hospitals. This led to the rapid spread of Western education, literacy, and Christianity, producing a growing class of educated Africans who later became influential in journalism, commerce, law, and the nationalist movement.
The British maintained separate administrations for several reasons. They believed that the North and South differed significantly in terms of culture, religion, language, and political organization, making it difficult to govern them under a single administrative system. Financial considerations also played a role, as the wealthier Southern Protectorate, which generated substantial revenue from exports such as palm oil, cocoa, and later other cash crops, often subsidized the less economically developed Northern Protectorate. Additionally, British authorities feared that introducing Southern-style missionary education and direct administration into the North could provoke resistance from Muslim leaders and destabilize the existing political order.
Although the Northern and Southern Protectorates were amalgamated in 1914 under Governor-General Lord Frederick Lugard to create the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria, many aspects of governance remained separate. Each region continued to have its own administration, budget, legal system, and educational policies. It was not until the Richards Constitution of 1946 that more serious efforts were made to establish a unified administrative and legislative framework for the entire country. However, the long period of separate administration had already created significant political, educational, and economic disparities between the North and the South. These differences continued to influence Nigerian politics after independence in 1960 and remain important in understanding the country’s federal system and regional dynamics today.
The 1946 Richards Constitution unified the regions, creating one legislative council and three regions. However, the legacy of the 46-year separation continued to shape Nigerian politics, creating structural imbalances, different political cultures, and suspicion between the North and South. When Ibrahim Babangida (IBB) took office in 1985, he faced these challenges and attempted to address them by creating new states and local governments to break the regional divide.
Truly, history is critical. The same verdict was delivered by the brilliant Professor Toyin Falola. He is a Nigerian historian and scholar, renowned for his extensive work on African history, culture, and politics. Falola’s contributions to African Studies are immense, with over 100 books and numerous awards to his name. He’s a professor at the University of Texas at Austin and has been a visiting professor at several institutions worldwide.Falola’s work focuses on Nigerian history, Yoruba culture, and African diaspora studies. Some notable works include “The History of Nigeria” and “Yoruba Gidas in Nigeria”. He’s also a recipient of the Nigerian National Merit Award and the Distinguished Africanist Award.
The same verdict has been delivered by Professor Wale Adebanwi. He is a renowned Nigerian scholar and academic, currently serving as the Presidential Penn Compact Professor of African Studies at the University of Pennsylvania. He is also a Fellow of St Antony’s College, Oxford, and was previously the Rhodes Professor of Race Relations at the University of Oxford. Adebanwi’s research focuses on social change, nationalism, ethnicity, race relations, and identity politics in Africa, with a particular emphasis on Nigeria and South Africa. He’s authored several books, including “The Nation as Grand Narrative: The Nigerian Press and the Politics of Meaning” and “Yorùbá Elites and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria”. With a background in Mass Communication, Political Science, and Social Anthropology, Adebanwi has held various academic positions worldwide, including at the University of Ibadan, University of California, Davis, and Rhodes University in South Africa. Here we are in the present day and age, the dichotomy remains unresolved. Every week throws up a fresh crisis. We are now obliged to switch from blissful nostalgia to harsh realities.
Sir George Dashwood Taubman Goldie, a British soldier, businessman, and imperialist, is often called the “Founder of Nigeria”. He believed Africa should be exploited for trade, not missionaries. Goldie founded and governed the Royal Niger Company (RNC) from 1886-1900, securing British claims to the lower Niger and Northern Nigeria through over 400 treaties with local Emirs and Chiefs.
The RNC had a Royal Charter, allowing it to make laws, raise an army, collect taxes, and administer justice. Goldie’s company used force to expand its territory, including defeating the Emirs of Nupe and Ilorin in 1897. Britain eventually took over the territory on January 1, 1900, paying Goldie £865,000, and proclaiming the Northern and Southern Nigeria Protectorates.
Goldie’s legacies include Nigeria’s current borders, company rule prioritizing profit over people, and the name “Nigeria” coined by journalist Flora Shaw in 1897. However, there’s controversy over whether he truly “founded” Nigeria, as he created a trading zone, not a nation, and never united the diverse ethnic groups.
Regardless, in keeping with the tradition of Lagos, Chief J.K. Randle left his “Adeun” and “Majemu” – a sacred trust consigned by father to the eldest son. It may be specific regarding a particular matter. e.g property or general e.g. respect for elders, integrity, concern for the underprivileged, name/reputation of the family; religion/ethnic tolerance. e.t.c.
The kernel of the message delivered through several generations in Lagos is : “If you cannot add to the reputation and integrity of the family name, do not detract from it. It is strictly forbidden”
In the past, in Lagos (and the rest of Nigeria), if your toe went missing, the entire community would join you to look for it. Now, if you lose your head nobody cares. That is why we have to talk in parables. Amongst the Yoruba, the warning is captured by: “Iku to pa elediye ko gbo do pa 8 elewure” (The tactics that were adopted to lure the chicken farmer to death should serve as a warning to the goat-keerper. He is on his own).
May the soul of Chief J.K. Randle continue to rest in peace.
A.I
Aug. 7, 2026
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